Posts tagged mlkjr

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Put MLKjr on the 20 dollar bill

MLK $20

With the political firestorm surrounding Clintons’ remarks about Martin Luther King Jr. and Lyndon Johnson, MLKjr’s birthday yesterday, and the MLK holiday coming up this weekend, this seemed appropriate: put MLK on the 20 dollar bill.

King symbolizes the triumph of love over hatred, of nonviolence over violence, and of community values over money values.

No American is more qualified than King to replace Andrew Jackson on the twenty-dollar bill. Jackson’s presidential legacy is marked by the barbaric Indian Removal Act which evicted at least 47,000 Creek, Choctaws, Chickasaws, Cherokee and Seminole Indians from their homes so their land could be turned into cotton-growing slave plantations. The Indian Removal Act led directly to the infamous Trail of Tears, where four thousand Cherokee men, women and children died in a forced march west.

Our strategy is to gather names to pressure President Bush and Congress to put King on the 20. Together we can make this happen!

  • Sign the petition here.
  • The case for putting him on the bill is laid out here.
  • I created the image above from an image of the $20 bill and an image of MLKjr from Wikipedia. Feel free to use the mockup on your site, but please link back here.

Filed under martin luther king mlk mlkjr petition

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A New Addition to MLKjr’s Legacy

MLKJr I’m a day late with this, but I was out of town yesterday so I give myself a pass.

In 1965, a Rabbi named Max Nussbaum asked Martin Luther King Jr. to address his congregation at the Temple Israel in Hollywood. King’s sermon at Temple Israel was recorded onto an old-fashioned, reel-to-reel audiotape … recently made available to the public for the first time since 1965.

Click here for the story and a link to the sermon.

Thanks to my brother, Elbert, for the heads-up.

Filed under martin luther king mlk mlkjr Sermon

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Precious Lord, take my hand

(by Thomas Dorsey. Favorite hymn of Martin Luther King, Jr. “Dorsey penned Precious Lord in response to his inconsolable bereavement at the death of his wife, Nettie Harper, in childbirth, and his infant son in August 1932. -Wikipedia


Precious Lord, take my hand,
Lead me on, help me stand,
I am tired, I am weak, I am worn,
Through the storm, through the night,
Lead me on to the light,
Take my hand, precious Lord,
Lead me home,

When my ways grow drear,
Precious Lord linger near,
When my life is almost gone,
Hear my cry, hear my call,
Lead me on lest I fall,
Take my hand, precious Lord,
Lead me home.

When the darkness appears and
the night draws near
And the day is past and gone
At the river I stand
Guide my feet, hold my hand
Take my hand precious Lord,
lead me home

Precious Lord, take my hand
Lead me on, let me stand
I’m tired, I’m weak, I’m lone
Through the storm, through the night
Lead me on to the light Take my hand
precious Lord,

Filed under martin luther king mlk mlkjr Thomas Dorsey Precious Lord babylost

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Dubya, MLKjr, and the use of biblical language in public life

Image

I am amazed that there was not more of an outcry when George W. Bush said that America as a nation needs to be “born again.” It’s not because during his time in the Oval Office, Dubya has run off at the mouth with biblical sounding allusions and metaphors so often that they no longer attract attention. It’s not because he said it at a private event, with only rabid, secrecy-sworn supporters around to hear it. It’s because (as far as I know) he never said these words. Martin Luther King, Jr. did.

If you’re like me, just the act of imagining a line like this (or something similar) coming out of the President’s mouth automatically changes the way that you interpret them. That makes sense, because Dubya and MLK are very different people, with very different views of the world and of what our role in the world is. In fact, Bush’s speeches have been peppered with many biblical and faith-based lines, similar to those that MLK used—and which gave his words added power.

I write this as a committed evangelical Christian, and my quandry is this: I don’t like a lot what Bush says, but I think MLK was spot on with a lot of what he said. At first glance, my choices seem to be these:

  1. Shut up. If MLK was allowed use these lines, Bush can too, so quit complaining.
  2. Advocate for all biblical language to be discouraged from public life (granted, MLK wasn’t a politician, but he was definitely political)
  3. Try to find a way to argue that people I agree with can use biblical language, but those I disagree with cannot.

The problem, of course, is that Option 3 is indefensible while Option 2 borders on censorship and would preclude a subset of anyone whose faith or worldview influences every decision they make and every thought they have (ie. everyone) from public life—that subset being those who find moral guidance in Scripture and who don’t want to pretend otherwise or try to artificially separate their “faith” from “the rest of their life” (as if that were possible).

So I suppose what it boils down to for me is not that Bush uses such language, but that his theology is twisted and he seems to be using Scriptural language to sanction things that Scripture shouldn’t be sanctioning. Bush has bad theology—and I guess I agree with Jim Wallis that the answer to bad theology is not no theology, but good theology.

Jim Wallis in Mother Jones:

“[W]e’re dealing with a religion that is more American than Christian. He changes the words of scripture. “The light shines in the darkness. The darkness does not overcome it,” he said at Ellis Island, the first anniversary of Sept. 11. Well, that’s [from the Gospel of] John. It’s not the American beacon of freedom to the world. You don’t change the words of scriptures. That bothers us evangelicals.
Or he changes hymnology: “Power, power, wonder working power.” When he said that in the State of the Union, he got 60 million people going, “I know that song.” But the wonder working power in the song is the salvation of Christ�not the faith and idealism of the American people. This is an American civil religion. This isn’t biblical faith. I think the president just doesn’t want to be accountable to biblical faith.”

Jim Wallis (on PBS):

“See, I think those words, that biblical tradition, would critique our foreign policy, would challenge our sense of righteousness, would call our behavior into question, would not allow us to say, ‘Evil is all out there, and we are the good, and those who aren’t with us are with the terrorists.’ I don’t think biblical faith can sustain that kind of point of view. In fact, biblical faith would challenge it. So instead, the Bible is being used to justify our policies, and not to call them into question. That, I think, is the difference in civil religion and prophetic religion. Prophetic biblical faith would call the nation to account, call our policies into question, would cause us to [engage in] self-reflection and evaluation. But the use of language like this just becomes a way to sanction our behavior and our policies, and to appeal to a constituency that feels like they are being spoken to in a very unique and particular way.”

The famous line attributed to Voltaire (“I disapprove of what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it”) leaves out the part where I also tell everybody why I disapprove of what you say. The right to speak goes both ways. Let Bush talk, let other voices talk, and call them to account when necessary. People like Jim Wallis (and others) have been doing it, some of them quite forcefully, but by and large the church has rolled over and let Bush do the talking.

Let him talk, but let’s have a discussion and stop assuming (like so many seem to do) that because someone quotes a Bible verse out of context or makes a biblical sounding allusion, they represent the Christian faith.

Let him talk, and let others within the diverse tent we call Christianity also talk. And let us consider the words that he doesn’t quote from the Good Book—there are a lot of them.

Filed under theology faith George W. Bush MLK MLKJr Martin Luther King

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Misunderstanding MLKjr

At least three times in the last few months, I’ve heard people talk about how Martin Luther King, Jr. is widely revered but little understood. On MLK day, a friend told me how he has made a personal tradition of reading some of MLK’s writings which get little press these days, but which are quite radical and challenging to the very structure of our society. Then a family member told me how he noticed “at a community MLK celebration how little people really know about Dr. King especially how his ideas and actions were rooted in faith. We seem to have divorced his actions from his faith…there may be a connection to the hostility toward faith based initiatives.” A third time, while playing a game, a friend claimed that the media was presenting a sanitized MLKjr—that he had been reduced to a civil rights crusader (which, though true and good, is not all that he stood for).

How could someone so universally loved be so misunderstood? Maybe a better question is how someone so controversial in his day be (ostensibly) so normative these few decades later? The answer, I think, is that the aspects of his mission that have become generally accepted (eg. “I Have a Dream”) have been touted and repeated over and over, while the more controversial aspects (a stance against militarism, an emphasis on the need for structural change, and the extent to which his faith drove his words and actions) have been glossed over.

Using my limited resources, I’ve compiled some information on these less-well-understood aspects below. (If you’ve got others—please put them below in the comments).

[Anthony Walton, “A Dream Deferred: Why Martin Luther King has yet to be heard”]

There are, essentially, two Martin Luther Kings: the young, energetic leader who preached from the pulpit and led successful protests in Montgomery, Birmingham, and Selma, who received the Nobel Peace Prize and delivered the epochal “I Have a Dream” speech at the Lincoln Memorial; and the later, post-1965 pilgrim who was tired, discouraged, and not a little scared, who was losing faith in the American system, who suffered a great defeat in Chicago and another, just before his assassination, in Memphis, and who was beginning to lose the full confidence of his followers, particularly younger blacks.

The first King has become, for many Americans, an almost kitschy symbol of benevolent social change, of the belief that great progress has been made in the field of race relations and that enough has been given in terms of money, time, and effort to redeem the nation’s past. The other represents a different kind of legacy, a call for larger structural changes stretching beyond pleas for brotherhood into demands for economic justice for downtrodden Americans, including poor whites. The veneration of the first King, his heavy presence in the psychic life of the nation, has in a strange way come to represent payment of the debt, I think, in many people’s minds. I am reminded, in particular, of conservative Republicans, who have hotly contested affirmative action and health-care reform, and yet pushed for a memorial to King on the Mall in Washington, D.C. Is this veneration a way of avoiding meaningful discussion—of avoiding him?



MLKJr on the structure of our society


[Various sources]
“A true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies. True compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar; it understands that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring.”

[Norman Solomon, “The Martin Luther King You Don’t See On Tv”]

“From Vietnam to South Africa to Latin America, King said, the U.S. was ‘on the wrong side of a world revolution.’ King questioned ‘our alliance with the landed gentry of Latin America,’ and asked why the U.S. was suppressing revolutions ‘of the shirtless and barefoot people’ in the Third World, instead of supporting them.

In foreign policy, King also offered an economic critique, complaining about ‘capitalists of the West investing huge sums of money in Asia, Africa and South America, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries.’”

[Stewart Burns in Sojourners]

[I]t became evident that the historic civil rights laws would not sweep away racism or poverty, he had come to see the inadequacy of individual rights. He grasped that “civil rights” carried too much baggage of the dominant tradition of American individualism and not enough counterweight from a tradition of communitarian impulses, collective striving, and common good. This subterranean tradition had been kept alive by peoples of color, especially blacks and American Indians. The polar strains of individualism and collectivism needed to be reconciled, as he strove to reconcile other opposites. His conception of rights shifted to a richer, comprehensive meaning that reflected his underlying biblical values.



[quoting King] “Jesus didn’t get bogged down in a specific evil. He didn’t say, now Nicodemus you must not drink liquor. He didn’t say, Nicodemus you must not commit adultery. He didn’t say, Nicodemus you must not lie. He didn’t say, Nicodemus you must not steal. He said, Nicodemus you must be born again. Nicodemus, the whole structure of your life must be changed.

“What America must be told today is that she must be born again. The whole structure of American life must be changed.”



MLKJr On Faith, Action, and Calling

[From Time]
[After a death threat] “
Shaken, King went to the kitchen to pray. “I could hear an inner voice saying to me, ‘Martin Luther, stand up for righteousness. Stand up for justice. Stand up for truth. And lo I will be with you, even until the end of the world.’”

[Various Sources]
If a man is called to be a streetsweeper, he should sweep streets even as Michelangelo painted, or Beethoven composed music, or Shakespeare wrote poetry. He should sweep streets so well that all the hosts of heaven and earth will pause to say, here lived a great streetsweeper who did his job well.”

[From “Beyond Vietnam,” April 4, 1967]

[T]hose of us who are yet determined that “America will be” are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.

As if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of America were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in [1964]. And I cannot forget that the Nobel Peace Prize was also a commission, a commission to work harder than I had ever worked before for the brotherhood of man. This is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances.

But even if it were not present, I would yet have to live with the meaning of my commitment to the ministry of Jesus Christ. To me, the relationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obvious that I sometimes marvel at those who ask me why I am speaking against the war. Could it be that they do not know that the Good News was meant for all men—for communist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? Have they forgotten that my ministry is in obedience to the one who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? What then can I say to the Vietcong or to Castro or to Mao as a faithful minister of this one? Can I threaten them with death or must I not share with them my life?

Finally, as I try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from Montgomery to this place, I would have offered all that was most valid if I simply said that I must be true to my conviction that I share with all men the calling to be a son of the living God. Beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood. Because I believe that the Father is deeply concerned, especially for His suffering and helpless and outcast children, I come tonight to speak for them. This I believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationalism and which go beyond our nation’s self-defined goals and positions. We are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation, for those it calls “enemy,” for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.


MLKJr on Nonviolence

[Various sources]
“Nonviolence is a powerful and just weapon. which cuts without wounding and ennobles the man who wields it. It is a sword that heals.”

“Nonviolence means avoiding not only external physical violence but also internal violence of spirit. You not only refuse to shoot a man, but you refuse to hate him.”

[From his Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance speech, December 10, 1964]

“[N]onviolence is the answer to the crucial political and moral questions of our time: the need for man to overcome oppression and violence without resorting to violence and oppression. Civilization and violence are antithetical concepts.”

[From “Beyond Vietnam,” April 4, 1967]
We still have a choice today: nonviolent coexistence or violent coannihilation. We must move past indecision to action. We must find new ways to speak for peace in Vietnam and justice throughout the developing world, a world that borders on our doors. If we do not act, we shall surely be dragged down the long, dark, and shameful corridors of time reserved for those who possess power without compassion, might without morality, and strength without sight.

Now let us begin. Now let us rededicate ourselves to the long and bitter, but beautiful, struggle for a new world. This is the calling of the sons of God, and our brothers wait eagerly for our response. Shall we say the odds are too great? Shall we tell them the struggle is too hard? Will our message be that the forces of American life militate against their arrival as full men, and we send our deepest regrets? Or will there be another message-of longing, of hope, of solidarity with their yearnings, of commitment to their cause, whatever the cost? The choice is ours, and though we might prefer it otherwise, we must choose in this crucial moment of human history.

Filed under MLK MLKJr Martin Luther King